27‏/03‏/2008

استنزاف الصين في التيبت

استنزاف الصين في التيبت
د.خليل حسين
استاذ القانون الدولي في الجامعة اللبنانية
مدير الدراسات في مجلس النواب اللبناني
بيروت 25-3-2008
يلاحظ المراقب للتطورات السياسية على الساحة الدولية أن هناك علاقة طردية بين نمو وتمدد وانتشار الصين خارجيا، وبين كثرة منغصاتها الداخلية، فكلما وقعت بكين اتفاقيات جديدة مهمة في أماكن بعيدة ظهرت لها مسألة تايوان، وعندما تتزايد وتتنوع صادراتها وتصل إلى كل مكان تقريبا تطفو مشكلة هونج كونج، وإذا اقتربت من بعض القضايا الإقليمية الساخنة يتكرر فتح ملف حقوق الإنسان وصدامات ميدان السلام السماوي الشهيرة، وفي حالة نجاحها في تطوير علاقاتها مع بعض الدول المنتجة والمصدرة للنفط في إفريقيا تظهر لها أزمة التيبت، هذا الملخص يصلح ليكون مدخلا مناسبا لتفسير جزء معتبر من المظاهرات والاحتجاجات والتجاذبات بين بكين والقيادتين الروحية والسياسية في التيبت، التي بلغت خلال الأيام الماضية حدا خطيرا ينذر بمزيد من التداعيات، بعد أن أصبح العامل الخارجي عنصرا لافتا في أجندة جميع الأطراف، يعيد للأذهان جانبا من تفاعلات الحرب الباردة في عقود سابقة.
الواضح أن بكين غمزت كثيرا إلى قناة الدعم الغربي للزعيم الروحي للتيبت الدالاي لاما واتهمته بالتحريض على العنف، ولم تنس زيارته التاريخية للولايات المتحدة في أكتوبر/تشرين الأول الماضي عندما قلده الرئيس الأمريكي جورج بوش أرفع وسام مدني “كمدافع عن الحرية الدينية”، على الرغم من معارضتها الزيارة والتكريم، ولم يخل الأمر من تلميح للهند الجارة التي يتخذها الدالاي لاما مقرا لإقامته، من مغبة المشاركة بصورة مباشرة أو غير مباشرة في تسخين الأوضاع في التيبت، وما تنطوي عليه من مشكلات تضاعف من الحساسيات الراهنة في منطقة مليئة بالصراعات والتوترات التي لا تقل خطورة عن التيبت، يؤدي فتح الباب أمامها إلى خلط كثير من الأوراق.

الظاهر في العلن أن مشكلة التيبت كأي مشكلة داخلية لها أبعاد سياسية واقتصادية واجتماعية ويمكن حلها بالتفاهم مع الحكومة المركزية، لكن مفاصلها الخفية تسير في طريق مغاير أسبغ عليها صفات درامية، حتى أصبحت وكأنها لعبة أمم مصغرة، حيث دخلت على خطوطها معظم القوى الدولية الرئيسية وحدثت استقطابات ثنائية، فهذه موسكو تؤكد أن الإقليم جزء لا يتجزأ من الصين ومشكلاته داخلية، بينما تؤيد دوائر غربية احترام خصوصيته وتغدق المديح على رهبان وسياسيي التيبت، وبدأ سيناريو المواقف التقليدية في عدد من القضايا الدولية يتكرر هنا، فقد درجت بكين وموسكو في الآونة الأخيرة على الوقوف في خندق مقابل في غالبية الأحيان لواشنطن وحلفائها، وحتى لو توارى هذا الفرز نسبيا حيال التيبت، فإن مكوناته وأبعاده سوف تكون حاضرة، وهناك روابط وثيقة بين الجانبين تفرض النظر إليه من هذه الزاوية الدقيقة.
لم تكن التحذيرات الغربية السابقة من صعود الصين مخادعة، بل كانت تعني أن بكين عازمة على توسيع نطاق نفوذها بعد نجاحها في بناء هياكل أساسية تساعدها على ذلك، وبدأت فعلا تظهر ملامح خطواتها الحثيثة في مناطق متعددة تهدد عرش بعض القوى التقليدية، ويتوقع كثير من المراقبين أن تحقق المزيد من التفوق في ظل حفاظها على التقدم بمتوالية هندسية محكمة، لأنها أضحت تملك من الأدوات والعلاقات ما يساعدها على الوصول لأغراضها السياسية والاقتصادية بطريقة أسرع من منافسيها، من هنا فالربط بين هذا الصعود ونكأ الجروح الداخلية لم يعد على سبيل الفانتازيا السياسية، ويستند هذا الربط على نقطتين، الأولى أن الولايات المتحدة القوة العظمى المحورية درجت على استخدام القضايا المحلية في لعبة ضغوطها على مناوئيها ومنافسيها، والثانية أن الصين التي حققت معدلات نمو اقتصادية غير مسبوقة، لا تزال حافلة بالمشكلات الداخلية وتخشى إجراء إصلاحات سياسية حاسمة، بالتالي قد يتحول إقليم التيبت إلى كرة لهب خطيرة تحرق معها الأخضر واليابس في الصين وخارجها.
يمكن الإشارة إلى ثلاثة محددات تدعم عملية تحول التيبت إلى مسمار غربي حاليا لمضايقة الصين، الأول تطور العلاقات بين كثير من الأوساط الغربية والزعيم الروحي للإقليم، ومع أنه يدين بالبوذية، غير أنه يحظى باحترام واسع، استمده من اتجاهه نحو حل المشكلات بالطرق السلمية، والثاني ارتفاع معدل النداءات والزيارات والتدخلات المطالبة بوقف الاعتداءات الصينية على مواطني التيبت، واتخاذها مطية لتصفية حسابات سياسية مؤجلة، وقد لاحظنا الهجمة الإعلامية الغربية على الصين، في حين تم تجاهل أزمات أكثر حدة في مناطق أخرى، والثالثة تأكيد أن طموح ونفوذ بكين الخارجي له حدود ويمكن وضع سدود تحول دون زحفه مستقبلا، إذا تجاوزت الصين بعض الخطوط الحمراء.
في هذه الأجواء جرت العادة أن تشير أصابع الاتهام إلى الولايات المتحدة، باعتبارها المستفيد الأول من عملية فرملة الطموح الصيني، لكن حصيلة مواقف وتصريحات الإدارة الأمريكية مشت في طريق مخالف، لا يتناسب مع تصوراتها وتصرفاتها السابقة، فهذه كوندوليزا رايس وزيرة الخارجية تدعو بكين لفتح حوار مع الدالاي لاما لإنهاء العنف، من دون أن تحملها صراحة مسؤوليته، وعلى هذا المنوال جاءت معظم التعليقات الرسمية الأمريكية، وهو ما يمكن تفسيره برغبتها في إبعاد أصابع الاتهام إليها بوصفها صاحبة مصلحة استراتيجية في هز عرش الصين من الداخل لمنع تمددها في الخارج، والحرص على عدم الدخول في مواجهات مفتوحة مع بكين في وقت تزايدت فيه الأزمات التي تعترض طريق الولايات المتحدة في مناطق كثيرة، لذلك فالهدف هو التسخين إلى حد لا يصل إلى التفجير التام للحفاظ على قدر من التوازنات، وإرسال إشارات مفادها ضرورة احترام القواعد التي أرستها واشنطن إزاء عدد من القضايا الإقليمية والدولية.

على ضوء المعطيات السابقة يمكن رسم ثلاثة سيناريوهات لأزمة التيبت، لا يعني الاستقرار على أحدها الابتعاد عن الأخرى، فالأزمة معقدة ومتشابكة وخيوطها الداخلية لا تنفصل عن نظيرتها الخارجية، وأخذت فروعها تتشعب، بما ينذر باحتفاظها بدرجة عالية من الحرارة السياسية والمجتمعية.
الأول، التوصل إلى تفاهمات مشتركة بين بكين والدالاي لاما لطي ملف المظاهرات والصدامات الحالية، وضمان نجاح دورة الألعاب الأولمبية في الصين العام الجاري، التي دخلت حقلا حافلا بالمزايدات من قبل بعض العناصر في التيبت، بعد ظهور تهديدات بإفشالها، وقوام أي تفاهمات التنازلات المتبادلة والحفاظ على إقليم التيبت ضمن الدولة الصينية، والكف عن التلويح بورقة الانفصال.

الثاني، استمرار الحلقات الجهنمية للعنف وتمدده إلى مناطق مجاورة، خاصة أن المتظاهرين أسرفوا في التخريب وقابلتهم الشرطة بإجراءات صارمة وقاسية، وخلف هذا الوضع حالة شديدة من الاحتقان، ربما يحول دون التوصل لقواسم مشتركة للتفاهم حول بعض القضايا السياسية، وبدأت تظهر أصوات متباينة في أوساط التيبت، تتجاذبها أطراف في الداخل وأخرى في الخارج، مما يقلل في النهاية من الزعامة الروحية التي يحظى بها الدالاي لاما.
الثالث، الإقدام على خطوة انفصالية غير مدروسة جيدا، تحت ذريعة التأييد الغربي المغلف بعبارات تنتقد الصين من وقت لآخر، وخطورة هذا الاحتمال في جر المنطقة لمزيد من الصراعات ووضع بكين وأصدقائها أمام مواجهات علنية مع واشنطن وحلفائها، والعودة صراحة لأجواء الحرب الباردة بكل ما تحمله من تداعيات، لم تستعد لها جيدا بعض القوى الدولية.

26‏/03‏/2008

قمة دمشق والعلاقات اللبنانية السورية

قمة دمشق والعلاقات اللبنانية السورية
د.خليل حسين
مدير الدراسات في مجلس النواب اللبناني

من مفارقات قمة دمشق العربية زمانها ومكانها،فهي وان أتت بظروف عربية فارقة لجهة مستوى العمل العربي المشترك وقضاياه،فمكانها أيضا يشكل علامة فارقة في تاريخ القمم العربية لجهة مضمونها وتداعياتها المستقبلية.وفي أي حال وبصرف النظر عما يمكن أن يتأتى من نتائج عملية خلال حقبة ترؤس سوريا لمؤسسة القمة،فان القضية المركزية التي سيكون لها الحضور الأكبر المسألة اللبنانية بتفاصيلها المملة رغم غيابه الشكلي وحضوره الفعلي مضمونا،وبالتالي إن السؤال الملح الذي يطرح نفسه أية علاقات يمكن تبدو ممكنة مستقبلا بين بيروت ودمشق؟ وهل أن البلدين الشقيقين مسؤولين وحدهما عن تصحيح العلاقة أم أن الأمر مرتبط بجهات أخرى؟
في الواقع إن استعراض تاريخ القمم العربية التسعة عشرة السابقة وجداول أعمالها يظهر دوام حضور الملف اللبناني وبخاصة ما يربطه بسوريا مباشرة أو بطريق الواسطة عبر تداعيات الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي وأثره في موقع لبنان منه,لكن حضور لبنان هذه المرة يعتبر مغايرا،فلبنان وسوريا في آن معا رغم تباين رؤيتهما في العديد من القضايا الاستراتيجية هما مستهدفان من قبل فئات مستفيدة بفصلهما وابعادهما عن بعضهما باعتبار أن دوام توتير العلاقة بين البلدين يشكل مدخلا لتدفيع سوريا أثمانا لم تدفعها حتى الآن في ملفات كثيرة وهي معروفة.وعليه إن مسار تصحيح العلاقة يعتبر مدخلا لتفادي أزمات كثيرة ليس للبلدين وحدهما وإنما لمجموع النظام الإقليمي العربي.
فمن الواضح إن علاقة البلدين ظلت مقياسا لنوعية ومستوى العلاقات العربية العربية وبمعنى أدق مستوى العلاقة بين قوى الجذب في المحاور العربية ، وسوابق تلك المعادلة ظهرت بجلاء في العديد من القمم العربية السابقة وبالتأكيد ستظل في اللاحقة أيضا.فلبنان مثلا تجاوز حدود المألوف في العام 1958 عندما تجاوز الجامعة العربية وتقدم بشكاوى إلى الأمم المتحدة ضد سوريا على خلفية المواقف من حلف بغداد وفعل الأمر نفسه بين الأعوام 1980 و1983 على خلفية المواقف من اتفاق 17 أيار وفي جميع هذه السوابق لم يتمكن لبنان من الوصول إلى مكان يرضيه فعاد أدراجه باتجاه دمشق بحثا عن حل يعيد وحدته الداخلية وكيانه المشرع على احتمالات متنوعة.
الموضوع يتكرر اليوم وبظروف اشد عنفا وأكثر قسوة،وفي ظروف عربية غير مساعدة فهل يتعظ لبنان من سوابقه أم سيسلك طرقا سبق أن سلكها؟ ثمة أحاديث كثيرة عن تدويل الانتخابات الرئاسية اللبنانية في القريب العاجل ما يعطي انطباعا أن الحكومة اللبنانية التي قررت عدم المشاركة في قمة دمشق هي ذاهبة نحو الأمم المتحدة،وهذا يعني أن جرحا أضافيا سينكأ في جسم العلاقات بين البلدين فمن يتحمل المسؤولية ومن القادر على منعه؟طبعا إن البلدين مسؤلان بالدرجة الأولى لكن ثمة أطرافا أخرى مسؤولة هي أيضا اقله تأمين البيئة المناسبة لإطلاق عجلة التقارب،ثمة من يقول أن هذا الكلام من نوع الإنشاء العربي الذي لا يصرف في السياسة وهذا صحيح،لكن الصحيح أيضا هو وجوب النظر بحذاقة العارف والمجرِّب في توصيف وتكييف نوعية الخلاف وأسبابه بين البلدين،عندها يمكن أن تصح الخيارات في سلوك الطرقات.
إن جوهر الخلاف بين البلدين أولا وأخيرا هو موقع ودور لبنان في القضايا العربية العالقة والتي تمسُّ سوريا كما العرب جميعا وهي احتلال إسرائيل للجولان كما بعض جنوب لبنان وطبعا ما تبقى من مشاريع ارض لدولة فلسطينية موعودة.عندها وعندها فقط يمكن أن تستوي العلاقة بين البلدين،فكيف يمكن أن تترجم سياسيا في القمة وما بعدها، من البديهي أن تنظر دمشق إلى المبادرة العربية المقرّة في قمة بيروت كبوصلة لإدارة ملفات الصراع في المنطقة ومن الطبيعي في السياسات الخارجية أن تبحث عن اذرع وسواعد لتقوية وتنفيذ أهدافها وتبدو قضية العلاقات اللبنانية السورية احد الوسائل الهامة لإنجاح الإدارة السورية لمقررات القمة.
مع اختلاف الظروف شكلا ورغم ما وصلت العلاقات اللبنانية السورية من مستويات إلى حدود ألازمة بين البلدين إبان حكم الرئيس أمين الجميل فقد عقد ثلاثة عشر قمة مع الرئيس السوري الراحل حافظ الأسد كانت آخرها قبل ساعات فقط من انتهاء ولاية الرئيس الجميل في العام 1988 ،ورغم فشل القمة الأخيرة أنذاك في إيصال رئيس جمهورية للبنان إلى قصر بعبدا يبقى هذا التوجه له دلالات رمزية لطبيعة العلاقات المفترضة بين البلدين،فلماذا لم تكررها الحكومة اللبنانية في هذه الظروف الفارقة التي يمر بها لبنان واختارت القطيعة مع القمة ومع سوريا تحديدا؟
ربما للحكومة اللبنانية ما يبرر موقفها ربطا بنوعية الدعوة التي وجهت إليها, لكن البحث عن مصير وطن يتطلب الترفّع عن الشكليات والبروتوكولات،ربما مفارقة الموقف اللبناني بأنها السابقة الأولى التي يتغيب لبنان حضورا في قمة عربية تترأسها سوريا للمرة الأولى،والمفارقة الأخرى هي إصرار الحكومة اللبنانية عبر رئيسها لعدم حضور القمة في وقت جهد سابقا وفي قمة الخرطوم 2006 على الحضور منفصلا عن رئيس الجمهورية لدواع متعلقة بجوهر الخلاف في العلاقات اللبنانية السورية.
انطلقت قمة دمشق وترأستها سوريا لسنة قادمة وبعدها ستؤول إلى مكان آخر في الجغرافيا العربية،لكن لبنان وسوريا سيظلان محكومان بقواعد التاريخ كما الجغرافيا،لكن العبرة تكمن في فهم هذه القاعدة وهضمها وعدم التفلّت من شروطها لئلا الأمور تفلت من عقالها.

23‏/03‏/2008

ساركوزي والاتحاد المتوسطي مجددا

ساركوزي والاتحاد المتوسطي مجددا
د.خليل حسين
رئيس المركز اللبناني للدراسات الاستراتيجية والدولية
أستاذ القانون والعلاقات الدولية في الجامعة اللبنانية

يصنف الرئيس الفرنسي نيكولا ساركوزي على انه سياسي طموح مزعج، ينفرد بمبادراته، ويتسرع بتصريحاته، ويسعى للشهرة على حساب الفكرة، ولا يفكر إلا بمصلحته على حساب الآخرين، ويعد بتحقيق أكثر مما يستطيع، وربما أكثر مما يريد، فمن أراد التعامل معه -والأوروبيون مضطرون إلى ذلك- عليه أن يكون ذا نفس طويل، وحذر شديد، وقدرة دبلوماسية فائقة. وهذا ما يقال الآن عن المستشارة الألمانية آنجيلا ميركل التي "أنقذت الموقف" مرتين على الأقل، أولاهما عندما اقترح ساركوزي تشكيل "مجلس حكماء أوروبي" للتفكير بمستقبل الاتحاد الأوروبي وللعمل على منع انضمام تركيا إليه، ولم يبق من الفكرة إلا العنوان، فتشكّل المجلس، ولكن دون أن يكون من صلاحياته ما يتعلق بعضوية تركيا، ولا النظر في المستقبل "القريب" للاتحاد، بل طرح أفكار عامة حول مستقبله بعد عام 2020.والمرة الثانية كانت قبيل القمة الأوروبية في بروكسل يومي 13و14/3/2008م، فقد أصبح واضحا أنّ الخلاف سيكون شديدا، وأن الإخفاق سيكون "محرجا"، فما طرحه ساركوزي لتشكيل اتحاد أوروبي-متوسطي، يحمل بصماته بدءا بالطموح والتسرع، انتهاء بعدم مراعاة الآخرين من الشركاء والأصدقاء، أمّا ما وُضع على مائدة المفاوضات مع انعقاد القمة، فكان شيئا آخر، حمل بصمات ميركل مع ساركوزي، وبدّل وجه المشروع المطروح إلى درجة تسمح بالقول إنّه مشروع جديد.
مشروعان.. والاسم واحدما أراده ساركوزي بإيجاز:
- اتحاد جديد قائم بذاته يجمع الدول الأوروبية المطلّة على البحر الأبيض المتوسط، والدول الأخرى المطلّة عليه.
- اعتبار عضوية تركيا في هذا الاتحاد بديلا عن عضويتها في الاتحاد الأوروبي.
- من الأهداف الرسمية المعلنة تعزيز التعاون الاقتصادي (وهذا ما يتضمّن سعي فرنسا مؤخرا لتسويق مفاعلاتها النووية في الشمال الإفريقي العربي) والتعاون البيئي (جعل البحر الأبيض المتوسط أنظف بحر في أنحاء العالم) والتعاون الأمني (مكافحة الإرهاب وفق مفهومه الغربي ومكافحة الهجرة من الجنوب إلى الشمال وما شابه ذلك).
من الأهداف غير المعلنة بإيجاز أيضا:
- تشكيل وعاء سياسي يجمع العرب والإسرائيليين بعد إخفاق مشروع ما عُرف بإعلان برشلونة دون تحقيق هذا الهدف الجوهري لتأسيسه بعد إخماد الانتفاضة الفلسطينية الأولى وانطلاقة أوسلو على خطى مدريد.
- ربط سوريا من بين "دول الممانعة" بمشروع يحقق لها مصالح اقتصادية، ثمنا للتخلّي عن "ممانعتها" سواء على صعيد المقاومة الفلسطينية أو المقاومة اللبنانية أو "التطبيع" غير المشروط مع الإسرائيليين.
- ترسيخ النفوذ الفرنسي المنافس للنفوذ الأمريكي من جهة، والمتكامل معه من جهة أخرى، في اتجاه المنطقة العربية المجاورة، التي كانت على الدوام هدفا فرنسيا وأوروبيا وأمريكيا.
لم يطلق ساركوزي على مشروعه عنوان "الاتحاد الأوروبي-المتوسطي"، بل المتوسطي فقط، وأراد أن يكون الاتحاد الأوروبي من ورائه ولكن ماليا فقط، باعتباره بديلا أو مكملا لطريق إعلان برشلونة، الذي أخذ من الميزانية الأوروبية المليارات وخصص له 16 مليارا أخرى للفترة بين 2007 و2013 م.
المشروع الذي قُدّم للقمة الأوروبية بعد أن عدّلته ألمانيا وبدّلته، ثم شاركت فرنسا في احتضانه، يُعتبر امتدادا لمشروع إعلان برشلونة بتطوير محدود، وبهدف تنشيطه بعد أن أصابه الجمود، كما يعتبر اتحادا أوروبيا (يشمل الدول الأعضاء في الاتحاد الأوروبي جميعا وهي حاليا 27 دولة) متوسطيا، وإن بقي يحمل اسم الاتحاد المتوسطي رسميا.
واستكمل المشروع بإجراء شكلي، يجعل رئاسة الاتحاد الثنائية مقتصرة (بالتناوب كل عامين) على الدول المطلّة على البحر الأبيض المتوسط، إلى أن تشملها الدورة جميعا (18 سنة) ثم تشارك الدول الأوروبية الأخرى في التناوب على الرئاسة أيضا.أمّا المضمون على الأصعدة الاقتصادية والأمنية وسواها، فهو هو كما كان، بين الاتحاد الأوروبي ودول المنطقة عبر إعلان برشلونة، ولكن سيحمل عند تأسيس الاتحاد بالفعل اسم الاتحاد المتوسطي.
الشكل الجديد المعدّل للمشروع باسمه القديم، هو ما وجد ترحيبا "مبدئيا" من جانب من عارضه سابقا، كالدول الإسكندنافية والنمسا، بسبب التكاليف المالية والاستثناء من العضوية، وقد بدا أنّ الاتحاد المتوسطي لم يعد على كفّ ساركوزي، بل أصبح جزءا من مسيرة المحور الفرنسي-الألماني المشترك.
الغائبون إلى يوم الاحتفال!بعد تحويل المبادرة الساركوزية إلى مبادرة أوروبية، يبقى واجب تكريم ساركوزي نفسه أوروبيا، ولكن عبر شكليات أخرى، فقد أراد وكان له ما يريد -إذا سارت الأمور على ما يرام وتحقق الاتفاق على التفاصيل- أن يُعلن عن تأسيس الاتحاد في احتفال رسمي على مستوى قمة طارئة تنعقد في باريس يوم 13/7/2008م، أي بعد أسبوعين من استلام فرنسا الرئاسة الدورية للاتحاد الأوروبي، وقبل يوم واحد من احتفالات فرنسا بيومها الوطني.أمّا الحصيلة الحقيقية للمساومات الأوروبية حول المشروع فهي أنّ ساركوزي اضطر إلى "اقتسام الغنيمة" مع شركائه الأوروبيين، ليس في صناعة القرار فقط، بل فيما يمكن تحقيقه اقتصاديا أيضا.
الخلافات حول صياغة المشروع الجديد كانت خلافات أوروبية-أوروبية، والحلول الوسطية كانت أوروبية، والمفاوضات على التفاصيل ستجرى بين الأوروبيين، والمخطط الزمني المقرّر يرى أن يستمرّ ذلك حتى يتمّ اتخاذ القرار أوروبيا، ثم يحضر الغائبون من الرؤساء والملوك على الساحل الجنوبي والشرقي للبحر الأبيض المتوسط، ليشاركوا في احتفال تدشين تأسيس الاتحاد الجديد على خطى مسيرة برشلونة القديمة.
هل يتفق ذلك مع المعطيات بين طرف يعطي وآخر يأخذ؟ليس صحيحا تعميم هذه الصورة، أنّ الأوروبيين يدعمون، والدول المتوسطية، وهي العربية وتركيا (والإسرائيليون الذين يُعتبر التطبيع عبر البوابة الأوروبية الخلفية معهم أهم الأهداف منذ إعلان برشلونة).. تتلقّى الدعم بعشرات المليارات من عملة اليورو الأوروبية.

قبل العروض النووية الفرنسية الأخيرة، كانت الدول العربية وما تزال تشتري ما قيمته سنويا أكثر من 120 مليار يورو (126 مليارا عام 2006م) من الآلات والسيارات والمنتجات الكيماوية وغيرها، من الدول الأوروبية، وهو ما يمثل سندا لا يستهان به لازدهارها الاقتصادي الذي يعتمد على "بند الصادرات" في الدرجة الأولى.
وكانت تلك الدول وما تزال -وتخصيصا ليبيا والجزائر- مصدر تأمين نسبة عالية من احتياجات النفط والغاز للقارة الأوروبية بتكاليف منخفضة نسبيا، نظرا للجوار الجغرافي ولاعتبارات أخرى.هذا علاوة على أنّ الدول العربية ذات القدرات الاقتصادية الأكبر نسبيا، بغض النظر عن الأوضاع المعيشية، سوق مرغوبة أوروبيا للاستثمارات المالية شريطة تشريع القوانين لحمايتها، أو بتعبير أوضح لضمان تحقيق أرباح للأوروبيين من خلالها، دون ضمان تحقيق انتعاش اقتصادي حقيقي في البلدان المضيفة، فغالبها استثمارات في قطاعات السياحة والبناء وأمثالها، وليس في قطاعات إنتاج صناعي وتطوير تقني.يضاف إلى ذلك أنّ أوروبا تضع في حسابها تحت وطأة شيخوختها وانقلاب هرم الأعمار السكاني فيها رأسا على عقب "استيراد" الأيدي العاملة من الدول العربية في الشمال الإفريقي، بنسبة عالية خلال عقد أو عقدين على الأكثر.
الغياب إذن لا يعود إلى التفاوت بين شمال وجنوب، أو مصالح جهات تمنح وأخرى تأخذ، ولا يسهل إيجاد تفسير سياسي أو منطقي له، إلا أنّ من أسبابه على ما يبدو:
- يكاد يصبح التفكير السياسي "التبعي" معتادا حتى في حالة وجود منطلقات حقيقية لمصالح متبادلة، تجعل المشاركة في التفاوض على صناعة القرار أمرا طبيعيا بين أي فريقين يريدان تحقيق تلك المصالح.. على قدم المساواة.
- الاتحاد الأوروبي يتعامل جماعيا مع "دول" و"أقاليم" عربية - ويسري ذلك على مستوى المنطقة الإسلامية- وهذا من مصادر قوته وقدرته على طرح ما يريد "جماعيا"، وقدرته تبعا لذلك على انتزاع حصيلة في صالحه على الدوام، والتعامل مع المشروع الجديد شاهد على أنّ الأولوية هي للتفاهم الأوروبي-الأوروبي، فإذا تحقق كان التحرّك الجماعي ممكنا وفعالا.
- الدول العربية المعنية بالاتحاد، ليس لها اتحاد، وجامعة الدول العربية ليس لها صلاحيات، والقرارات المشتركة على مستوى القمة أو دونها توصيات وليست قرارات، والأولوية ليست لتنمية العلاقات البينية التجارية والاستثمارية والتكاملية في ميادين الصناعة والزراعة وغيرها، وقد تحضر الدول العربية لقاء جماعيا مشتركا مع الدول الأوروبية (أو سواها) فيبقى الخلاف مسيطرا بين الأطراف العربية داخل الاجتماع نفسه، أو في الإعداد له، وإن جرت محاولات للوصول إلى موقف مشترك، كان -كما يقال دوما- على القاسم المشترك الأدنى، ويستحيل وفق هذه المعطيات أن تتحرك المجموعة العربية ككتلة تجاه الكتلة الأوروبية، لتحقق "اتفاقات" أو "علاقات" على قدم المساواة.
عند النظر في الوثيقة الصادرة عن المفوضية الأوروبية عام 2000م (أي بعد خمس سنوات على انطلاق مسيرة برشلونة) يمكن استقراء الأهداف الأهمّ في نظر الأوروبيين من خلال التعاون الأوروبي-المتوسطي، فآنذاك أبرزت المفوضية أهم "العقبات"، فكان أوّلها بطء "عملية التسوية السلمية"، ومنها عدم تبني "إستراتيجية التحوّل الاقتصادي" وفق الرؤية الغربية (إلغاء الحماية جمركيا وتجاريا واستثماريا).
أما الميادين التي تحقق فيها النجاح، فكان على رأسها "الميدان الأمني" لمكافحة الإرهاب والهجرة غير المشروعة، وعدد من المشاريع على المستوى الثقافي والفني.
يمكن أن يكون بين الأهداف الرسمية المعلنة، دعم مسيرة التنمية في الجنوب المتوسطي، وإذا انطبق العنوان على المضمون، فلذلك خلفيته الأوروبية المشروعة، أن تنمو القدرة الشرائية وبالتالي يزداد الاعتماد على الواردات الأوروبية.
ولكن من الملاحظ طوال 13 عاما مضت على إعلان برشلونة، وعلى الوثائق الرسمية للمؤتمرات المشتركة والمشاريع المختلفة، أن ليس في "برنامج" الأوروبيين وليس في "برامج" الأطراف العربية المشاركة، مشروع واحد يعزّز مثلا إنشاء بنية تحتية عربية مشتركة من طرق مواصلات، ومواني بحرية ومطارات وغيرها، وشبكة اتصالات، تزيد ارتباط الدول العربية بعضها ببعض، وجلّ ما يُطرح على مستوى مشترك هو ما يستهدف اصطناع مشاريع عربية-إسرائيلية على طريق التطبيع، وهو ما تهدمه الجرافات والدبابات الإسرائيلية يوميا من قبل نشأته، رغم سقوط التحفظات السياسية عليه.. لو أمكن تحقيق سلام.
كما لا توجد في البرنامج الأوروبي والبرامج العربية مشاريع تحقق اكتفاء ذاتيا على أساس التكامل العربي -وليكن بمشاركة أوروبية بشكل مناسب- لاستغلال المساحات الزراعية في السودان مثلا لصالح المنطقة العربية، أو استغلال الخبرات العلمية والتقنية في مصر وسوريا وسواهما لتطوير التصنيع العربي المحلي بما يراعي الاحتياجات العربية ويخفف من وطأة النفقات للاستيراد.ليست مشكلة إعلان برشلونة ولن تكون مشكلة الاتحاد الأوروبي-المتوسطي مشكلة الأوروبيين، فهذه موضع الخلافات والمساومات والاتفاقات فيما بينهم، ولكنها مشكلة الأطراف العربية التي لم تصبح "طرفا" عربيا متكتلا، لتكون شريكا دوليا على قدم المساواة في إطار تكتل دولي.هذا علاوة على أنّ الدول الأوروبية، لا سيما فرنسا في عهد ساركوزي، تريد انتزاع ثمن سياسي لما تعتبره "دعما اقتصاديا" وهو في حقيقته مصلحة ذاتية اقتصادية، فالهمّ الأوروبي، جماعيا ولكل دولة على انفراد، هو أن يتحقق الاندماج الإسرائيلي (التطبيع) في المنطقة العربية، وهذه عقبة، لم يعد تجاوزها في أيدي الحكومات العربية، بل أصبحت عبر محطات فلسطين ولبنان في أيدي المقاومة الشعبية، فإذا أمكن انتزاعها مجدّدا بمختلف الوسائل، لا سيما القمعية "الأمنية والعسكرية"، حقق الاتحاد الأوروبي المتوسطي ما عجز مشروع برشلونة عن تحقيقه خلال 13 عاما مضت.

21‏/03‏/2008

الولايات المتحدة دولة فوق القانون الوطن القطرية 21-3-2008

الولايات المتحدة دولة فوق القانونجريدة الوطن Newspaper Al Watan: "الولايات المتحدة دولة فوق القانون"

20‏/03‏/2008

Brutal war on Iraq enters sixth year

Brutal war on Iraq enters sixth year
Dr Khalil Hussein
Director of studies at Lebanese Parliament
On March 20, 2003, US warplanes dropped the first bombs on Baghdad to announce an invasion that would within three weeks topple Saddam's regime and leave US forces in charge of a people resentful and rebellious against their occupation.
Five years on, Iraqis are in a state of civil war and US forces face daily attacks from insurgents.
The war has killed more than 4,000 US and allied soldiers and hundreds of thousands of Iraqi civilians -- between 104,000 and 223,000 died between March 2003 and June 2006 alone, according to the World Health Organisation.
"The war has been an unlimited disaster in terms of US foreign policy, in terms of stability in Iraq and in the Middle East," said Joost Hiltermann, Iraq expert with the International Crisis Group.
"I can only hope the US finds a way to navigate itself out of the mess without allowing Iraq to fall apart."
As the conflict entered its sixth year, US President George W. Bush once again defended his decisions that have already cost the administration more than 400 billion dollars in Iraq.
Bush acknowledged that the war has "come at a high cost in lives and treasure," but defended both the decision to invade and to boost the number of US troops in Iraq last year.
"The answers are clear to me: removing Saddam Hussein from power was the right decision -- and this is a fight America can and must win," he said in a speech at the Pentagon, US military headquarters.
Hours after his speech, Al-Qaeda chief Osama bin Laden, in a video message, expressed determination to fight US in Iraq and Afghanistan.
He said the "savage acts" of the US-led military coalition in Iraq and Afghanistan "haven't ended the war, but rather (have) increased our determination to cling to our right, avenge our people and expel the invaders from our country."
Baghdadis too are not convinced of a possible victory in Iraq.
Abu Fares al-Daraji, a tobacco shop owner in Baghdad said Americans "brought our way things we never knew (before) like terrorism and the killings we see on the streets."
Anti-war activists are also not impressed and launched sit-ins and marches across the United States demanding an immediate withdrawal of US soldiers.
"This war needs to end and it needs to end now," said Leslie Cagan, national coordinator of United for Peace and Justice.
Bush has taken heart from signs that the bloodshed in Iraq has fallen, but even the commander of US troops, General David Petraeus, admits that Baghdad has made insuffienct progress towards national reconciliation.
"Scoring a military victory is easy, but a political victory is more difficult to achieve," said Mustapha Alani, director of security studies at the Dubai-based Gulf Research Centre.
He said Washington had dismantled Saddam's regime and was now "unable to put it back together".
The day-to-day reality on the ground is grim.
The International Committee of the Red Cross, in its latest report, said the plight of millions of Iraqis who still have little or no access to clean water, sanitation or health care was the "most critical in the world".
Insurgents continue to carry out spectacular attacks.
On Tuesday, at a national unity conference -- undermined by a boycott from two key parliamentary blocs -- Shiite Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki boasted that Iraq's sectarian civil war was over.
On Wednesday he visited, for the first time since becoming premier, Baghdad's Sunni bastion of Adhamiyah. There he promised the Sunni Arabs jobs as a reward for their fight against Al-Qaeda.
Later Wednesday, Iraq's presidency council approved a law to hold provincial elections, a key demand of Washington to boost national unity.
The economy, the main concern of Iraqis after security, is also a wreck. Unemployment is running at between 25 and 50 percent of the workforce, according to government figures.
Oil exports are the country's main money-earner. Iraqi officials say production is at 2.9 million barrels a day, but oil analysts believe it is really around 2.2 million.
Public services like water and electricity have yet to be fully restored, despite billions of dollars having been spent on often badly managed reconstruction projects.
Iraq's parliament has been paralysed by competition between parties driven by sectarian conflicts, as the US-designed parliament was divided according to sectarian lines.
Last year the US embassy in Baghdad documented a high level of corruption at all levels of government, and questioned the Maliki administration's willingness to crack down on crooked practices.
An unusual charge from Washington which critics say is deeply involved – if not in control – of the corruption in Iraq.
The war is estimated to have already cost Washington more than 400 billion dollars -- making it the most expensive conflict in history.
And what have American taxpayer got for their money?
Critics say that while the American taxpayer carried the burden of the Iraq war cost, US oil companies (and the American politicians affiliated with them) were the greatest beneficiaries of the invasion (if we exclude the US arms industry).

التقرير الأميركي لحقوق الإنسان: غيرة الذِّئب على الحمَل من مفترسه

Middle East Online ميدل ايست اونلاين: "التقرير الأميركي لحقوق الإنسان: غيرة الذِّئب على الحمَل من مفترسه"

18‏/03‏/2008

Judicial Authority

Chapter Fourteen
Judicial Authority
Dr Khalil Hussein
Professor at Lebanese University
Director of studies at Lebanese Parliament

In the law, the judiciary or judicial system is the system of courts which administer justice in the name of the sovereign or state, a mechanism for the resolution of disputes[1].
The term is also used to refer collectively to the judges, magistrates and other adjudicators who form the core of a judiciary, as well as the support personnel who keep the system running smoothly.
Under the doctrine of the separation of powers, the judiciary is the branch of government primarily responsible for interpreting the law.
· In common law jurisdictions, case law is created by the courts' interpretations as a result of the principle of stare decisis;
· In civil law jurisdictions, courts interpret the law, but are, at least in theory, prohibited from creating law, and thus, still in theory, do not issue rulings more general than the actual case to be judged; in practice, jurisprudence plays the same role as case law;
· In socialist law, the primary responsibility for interpreting the law belongs to the legislature.
This difference can be seen by comparing India, United States, France and the People's Republic of China:
· In Indian democracy, courts have the final say until the constitution itself is amended although a supreme court judgement in 1970's ruled that Parliament doesn't have the authority to change the basic structure of Indian constitution.
· in the United States government, the Supreme Court is the final authority on the interpretation of the federal Constitution and all statutes and regulations created pursuant to it;
· in France, the final authority on the interpretation of the law is the Conseil d'État for administrative cases, and the Court of Cassation for civil and criminal cases;
· Other countries such as Argentina have mixed systems that include lower courts, appeals courts, a cassation court (for criminal law) and a Supreme Court. In this system the Supreme Court is always the final authority but criminal cases have four stages, one more than civil law.
Differences between civil, socialist and common law
The idea found in civil and socialist law that the judiciary does not interpret the law in creative ways has its origins in Roman law. It is said that the famed Byzantine Emperor Justinian had the Corpus Juris Civilis compiled and all other decisions by jurists burned to create certainty in the law. Again in the 19th century, French legal scholars at the time of the development of the Code Napoleon advocated the same kind of approach — it was believed that since the law was being written down precisely, it should not need interpretation; and if it did need interpretation, it could be referred to those who wrote the code. Napoleon, who was an advocate of this approach felt that the task of interpreting the law should be left with the elected legislature, not with unelected judges. This contrasted with the pre-revolutionary situation in France, where unelected 'parlements' defending the interests of the high bourgeoisie would often slow the enforcement of royal decisions, including much needed reforms.
However, this idea was found difficult to implement in practice. In France, and other countries that Napoleon had conquered, or where there was a reception of the Civil Code approach, judges once again assumed an important role, like their English counterparts. In civil law jurisdictions at present, judges interpret the law to about the same extent as in common law jurisdictions – though it may be acknowledged in theory in a different manner than in the common law tradition which directly recognizes the limited power of judges to make law. For instance, in France, the jurisprudence constante of the Cour de cassation or the Conseil d'État is equivalent in practice with case law[2].
In theory, in the French civil law tradition[3], a judge does not make new law; he or she merely interprets the intents of "the Legislator." The role of interpretation is traditionally approached more conservatively in civil law jurisdictions than in common law jurisdictions. When the law fails to deal with a situation, doctrinal writers and not judges call for legislative reform, though these legal scholars sometimes influence judicial decisionmaking. Civil law judges also refer to the interpretation of codal provisions and they look for an underlying rationale not only in the particular text, but its relationship to the whole structure of the code as an organizing structure that reflects order in a civil society.
Socialist law adopted the status of civil law, but added to it a new line of thought derived from Communism - the interpretation of the law is ultimately political, and should serve the purposes of Communism, and hence should not be left to a non-political organ (even though in practice, the judiciary was never much of a neutral organ above politics).
Judges
A judge or justice is an official who presides over a court. The powers, functions, method of appointment, discipline, and training of judges vary widely across different jurisdictions.
Judges in the Legal System
There are significant differences between the role of a judge in the common law system descended from British practice, and civil law systems descendant from continental European judicial practice. The descriptions below are necessarily archetypical. Details vary from judicial system to judicial system. In many cases, the judicial systems have experienced convergent evolution, expressly or unconsciously adopting similar practices or operating in a manner that minimizes the impact of formal differences between the archetypical role of each system's judges[4].
Judges in common law legal systems
In common law countries, judges usually operate within the adversarial system of justice, and the trial level, usually preside over court proceedings as the sole judge present, with only narrow exceptions (e.g. in the United States, certain election law cases).
Professional Background
Common law judges are generally appointed or elected from among practicing attorneys after prior careers as practicing attorneys, although many receive brief educational programs specific to judging once taking the bench. Judges are frequently drawn from the ranks of barristers, as opposed to solicitors where a distinction is made between the two as separate legal professions.
Many U.S. states permit non-lawyers to serve as justices of the peace or as inferior jurisdiction judges in rural areas, but this practice is generally limited to less serious criminal offenses and small claims. Federal judges are not required by law to be attorneys, but the practice of appointing attorneys to the federal bench is almost universal[5].
Judges and Juries
In the common law system[6], when there is a jury trial in the trial courts, the jury generally decides questions of fact (guilty or not guilty, whether a party was negligent, etc.) while a single judge decides questions of law (under common-law systems, one of the judge's most important powers is to craft jury instructions).
In a trial before a judge, sometimes called a "bench trial", a single judge decides issues of both law and fact. Outside the United States, only a very narrow category of civil cases are tried before juries and usually criminal cases are tried before juries only in more serious cases. In the United States, cases where a jury is not available are the exception, rather than the norm, even in relatively minor civil and criminal matters. In United States practice, the right to a jury usually hinges on historical distinctions made between law and equity in Britain prior to the adoption of the United States Constitution.
Because both civil and criminal procedure in common law systems developed in the context of a system where the ultimate decisions were usually deferred to a jury (even though this is often not the case outside the United States in civil cases), common law judges are limited in their power to resolve matters prior to a full trial, even if they have all information that they feel they need to resolve a case involving disputed facts.
Historically, in Europe in the Middle Ages, juries often stated the law by consensus or majority and the judge applied it to the facts as he saw them. This practice no longer exists. The power of juries to determine the law in a manner contrary to that dictated by the trial judge, or even ignore the law (which is often called jury nullification), has been controversial in American jurisprudence from very early on in American history. Generally speaking, current practice in U.S. law is to formally deny that such a power exists. But, U.S. law also maintains procedural protections such as a prohibiting testimony regarding jury deliberations, and disallowing government appeals of acquittals by juries in criminal cases, that have the practical effect of making it possible for juries to make their own determinations of law.
U.S. legal practice also has an institution called a grand jury which is presided over on a day to day basis by a prosecutor, rather than a judge, although it is ultimately under the supervision of a judge. This institution investigates crimes via the subpoena power and screens serious criminal charges to determine if a prosecution is justified.
Appellate Judging
In common law practice, appeals are usually decided by a panel of judges, generally three appellate judges chosen at random in an intermediate appellate court and the entire composition of the court in the relevant highest appellate court in the jurisdiction, although decisions made by a subordinate or inferior jurisdiction judge are sometimes reviewed by a single judge.
Judges in civil law system

In the civil law system, serious matters are almost always decided at the trial level by at least three judges, and sometimes more, often in combination with lay persons in serious criminal manners, although one of those judges may take the lead in gathering evidence in a case. In civil law systems typically only the equivalent of U.S. small claims and misdemeanors are handled by a single trial judge[7].
In civil law practice, appeals are usually decided by a panel of multiple judges. State courts can be called district courts. The highest appellate court in a civil law jurisdiction, often translated "supreme court" in English, is typically organized more like an intermediate appellate court in common law practice, in that decisions are usually made by a panel of judges that does not include all judges who are a member of that court. Also unlike common law practice, judges are typically assigned to appeals in the highest appellate court based on specialties in a particular type of law, rather than at random. Typically the only appellate court in a civil law system in which all members of the court will typically decide a case that will operate in a civil law country is the constitutional court.
Non-judges with judicial power
Certain non-judges are vested with judicial power by virtue of their political or religious office, or their position as a responsible government employee.[8]
In Japan, police officers can order punishments for minor offenses without approval from a judge. In U.S. military law, military officers can dispense justice for minor military law infractions without holding a court-martial, and also preside over courts-martial involving more serious offenses. A number of jurisdictions give mayors of municipalities judicial authority similar to a justice of the peace or magistrate. Many courts with probate jurisdiction give court clerks quasi-judicial authority as "registrars" of the court. Members of county commissions and city councils in the United States often have quasi-judicial authority in zoning matters. And, legislators sometimes sit in a judicial capacity, such as when they rule on impeachment charges of governmental officials, and in the United Kingdom, when law lords, who are officially members of the House of Lords, a primarily legislative body, hear appeals in legal cases.
Historically, in the United Kingdom, certain matters, such as annulments of marriages and division of personal property of deceased persons, were the responsibility of ecclesiastical courts, in which clergy presided. Many countries, such as and Pakistan and Iran, continue to have religious courts, particularly in matters of family law, that operate in addition to their ordinary courts with full authority to enter legally binding decisions. Other countries, such as Afghanistan under its newly adopted constitution, have a unitary court system in which some judges have primarily secular training, while others judges have primarily religious training.
Often parties in contractual relationships with each other enter into "arbitration agreements" which vests quasi-judicial authority to resolve disputed between the parties in a non-judge chosen by mutually agreed means. Sometimes these persons are legally trained, and sometimes they are not, but have some relevant subject matter expertise. Civil justice in the Roman Empire, which provided some of the foundational doctrines for Western systems often handled civil disputes through an arbitration-like mechanism. Courts can typically be called upon to enforce a final decision rendered by an arbitrator pursuant to an arbitration agreement if necessary.
Power of judges[9]
In common law countries, such as the United States, and those with roots in the Commonwealth of Nations, judges have a number of powers which are not known to exist, or are not acknowledged to exist, in civil law legal systems, which collectively make the judiciary a more powerful political force than in civil law countries.
One of these powers is the "contempt of court" power. In a common law system, a judge typically has the power to summarily punish with a fine or imprisonment any misconduct which takes place in the courtroom, and to similarly punish violations of the court's orders, after a hearing, when they take place outside the courtroom. This power, in turn, may be used by common law judges to enforce orders for injunctive relief, which is a court order to take or refrain from taking some particular act, directed at the individual who must do so. This power is a vestige of authority that members of the nobility had when they personally presided over disputes between their subjects. It has the effect of giving common law country judges great power to fashion remedies, such as school desegregation orders and restraining orders directed at individuals. Civil law judges, in contrast, outside of specialized courts with narrowly delineated powers, generally lack contempt power or the power to impose injunctive relief.
Another power of every judge in the United States, generally right down to the level of the magistrate, is the power to declare a law unconstitutional and invalid, at least as applied in a particular case. In contrast, most civil law countries limit this power to a special constitutional court, and all other judges are required to follow the enacted laws, even if the judge personally believes those laws to be unconstitutional, in the absence of an order from the constitutional court. However, if a person believes that a law applied against them in court is unconstitutional, they can apply for consideration in the constitutional court and, if the law is indeed declared unconstitutional, file an appeal against the ruling based on the now-invalidated law.
Similarly, in the common law system, cases in which the government administration is at issue, known as public law cases, for example, suits claiming violations of civil rights by government officials, are often heard by the same judges who handle criminal cases and disputes between private individuals. In contrast, in civil law countries, only designated judges or quasi-judges (such as the Conseil d'État in France) can hear public law cases, and ordinary judges can hear only criminal cases and cases involving private parties.
Judges in a common law system are also empowered to make law guided by past precedent, or to choose to ignore past precedent as no longer applicable, based on a concept known as "stare decisis" ,"to stand by what has been decided", in cases where no statute or prior case clearly mandates a particular result, and in cases where past precedents, for some reason, no longer appear to provide firm guidance as to the current state of the law[10].
Civil law judges, likewise, have some powers not usually held by common law judges. Most importantly, a common law judge is usually required to base a decision almost exclusively on the evidence provided by the parties to a case during the course of a trial, or a hearing, or in documents filed with the court. In contrast, a civil law judge frequently has the authority to investigate the facts of a case independently of evidence provided by the parties to that case, in what is known as an "inquisitorial" role.
Oversight of judges
Federal judges in the United States (except those who have recess appointments) serve life terms for their period of "good behavior." Once appointed, state judges in the United States usually serve terms for a fixed period of years, after which they must be re-elected, face a retention election, or face reappointment by an appropriate authority. The law governing judicial elections in the United States is in flux with the general tendency being to discard historical limitations on the ability of a judge to campaign based upon judicial philosophy.
Most judicial systems in the United States have procedures for investigating breaches of judicial ethics and disability. Lapses of judicial ethics include matters such as taking bribes, open defiance of a binding court order, ruling upon a case in which the judge has a personal interest, failure to account for court funds, failure to conduct court proceedings with a suitably judicial demeanor, harassment of judicial employees or a judge's conviction of a serious offense unrelated to judicial service. Disability complaints often involve allegations that a judge is beginning to show symptoms of alcoholism, dementia or an inability to stay awake.
Complaints about a judge's judicial ethics or disability may ordinarily not contest the merits of the determination made by the judge, which can only be contested in the appellate process. Judges in the United States generally have absolute immunity for personal liability in the form of money damages for their discretionary judicial acts.
Almost every state and the federal government provides the legislature with the authority to remove a judge for cause in a quasi-judicial impeachment proceeding in which the legislative body hears evidence and renders a super-majority verdict limited to removal from office. Often the standard is "high crimes and misdemeanors" or failure to engage in "good behavior" while in office.
Many state judicial systems also have either a special commission or board charged with investigating alleged lapses of judicial ethics or disability, or vest that power in their highest court, usually a state supreme court. Such determinations may be appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States only to the extent that they involve the final decision of a state court system and pose a federal law question.
Some violations of judicial ethics, such as taking bribes or converting public funds, are also federal or state crimes investigated and prosecuted by the appropriate prosecutor.
In the federal system, there is no outside grievance body with the authority to discipline a U.S. Supreme Court justice. The U.S. Supreme Court has supervisory authority over the entire federal judiciary, in addition to its appellate responsibilities, and it has used this authority to establish certain procedures for investigating and addressing lapses of judicial ethics by federal judges[11].
In Canada, Justices (Justices of Peace) are appointed provincially to preside over minor cases, while Judges are appointed federally. Neither can be removed from office until they reached the retirement age of 65, 70 or 75 (depending on the type of appointment) unless they are found to have been in serious misconduct, in which case, the House of Commons and Senate (federally appointed) or the Judicial Council (provincially appointed) can pass a motion to remove a judge/justice from office.
Appeal
In law, an appeal is a process for making a formal challenge to an official decision. Depending on circumstances, appeals may be made to the same authority or to a higher judicial authority. In common law jurisdictions, most commonly, this means formally filing a notice of appeal with a lower court, indicating one's intention to take the matter to the next higher court with jurisdiction over the matter, and then actually filing the appeal with the appropriate appellate court[12].
An appellate court is a court that hears cases, in which a lower court - either a trial court or a lower-level appellate court - has already made a decision, but in which at least one party to the action wants to challenge this ruling based upon some legal grounds that are allowed to be appealed either by right or by leave of the appellate court. These grounds typically include errors of law, fact, or due process.
In different jurisdictions, appellate courts are also called appeals courts, courts of appeals, superior courts, or supreme courts.
Who can appeal
A party who files an appeal is called an appellant or petitioner, and a party on the other side is an appellee or respondent. Cross-appeals can also occur, when more than one party to a case is unhappy with the decision in some way, often when the winning party claims that more damages were deserved than were awarded.
The appellant is the party who, having lost part or all their claim in a lower court decision, is appealing to a higher court to have their case reconsidered. This is usually done on the basis that the lower court judge erred in the application of law, but it may also be possible to appeal on the basis of court misconduct, or that a finding of fact was entirely unreasonable to make on the evidence.
The appellant in the new case can be either the plaintiff (or claimant), defendant, or respondent (appellee) from the lower case, depending on who was the losing party. The winning party from the lower court, however, is now the respondent. In unusual cases the appellant can be the victor in the court below, but still appeal[13] the claimant appealed (successfully) on the basis that, although he won in the court below, the lower court had applied the wrong measure of damages and he had not been fully recompensed.
An appellee is the party to an appeal in which the lower court judgment was in its favor. The appellee is required to respond to the petition, oral arguments, and legal briefs of the appellant. In general, the appellee takes the procedural posture that the lower court's decision should be affirmed.
Ability to appeal
An appeal as of right is one that is guaranteed by statute or some underlying constitutional or legal principle. The appellate court cannot refuse to listen to the appeal. An appeal by leave or permission requires the appellant to move for leave to appeal; in such a situation either or both of the lower court and the appellate court may have the discretion to grant or refuse the appellant's demand to appeal the lower court's decision.
In tort, equity, or other civil matters either party to a previous case may file an appeal. In criminal matters, however, the state or prosecution generally has no appeal as of right. And due to the double jeopardy principle, the state or prosecution may never appeal a jury or bench verdict. But in some jurisdictions, the state or prosecution may appeal as of right from a trial court's dismissal of an indictment in whole or in part or from a trial court's granting of a defendant's suppression motion[14].
By convention in some law reports, the appellant is named first. This can mean that where it is the defendant who appeals, the name of the case in the law reports reverses (in some cases twice) as the appeals work their way up the court hierarchy. This is not always true, however. In the United States federal courts, the parties names always stay in the same order as the lower court when an appeal is taken to the circuit courts of appeals, and are re-ordered only if the appeal reaches the United States Supreme Court.
Notice of appeal
A notice of appeal is a form or document that the appellant fills out to start the appeals process. More commonly, and with better possibility of a favorable outcome, the appellant's attorney, law firm, or their paralegal actually types it out, signs it, and files it with the appropriate court clerk's office. Some courts have samples of a notice of appeal on line.
Even if the document is not typed out, it is very important to sign the form, as most court systems will deny an appeal, or may even fine a person who files an unsigned.
In most court systems, the notice of appeal is the "document a person must file with the trial court in order to pursue an appeal." However, in some systems, the appellant must file it instead, or also, with the appellate court and all other parties, such as the appellee. The notice is then defined as "Formal notice served to an appellate court (and to parties involved in a case) by a litigant-party to inform them of its intention to request review of a lower-court's order." For this reason, it is also extremely important to contact the court clerk's offcie, or to read the decision, as to where, with whom, and how to file the notice.
The statute of limitations of actions to appeal is tradtionally very short - measured in days, not years. In the Federal Court system, it is ten days; in many state systems it is 20 to 30 days. When to file can be as important as where, to whom, and how to file the form.
The United States Supreme Court uses a discretionary (for the court, not the appellant) notice of appeal called the writ of certiorari.
How an appeal is processed
Generally speaking the appellate court examines the record of evidence presented in the trial court and the law that the lower court applied and decides whether that decision was legally sound or not. The appellate court will typically be deferential to the lower court's findings of fact (such as whether a defendant committed a particular act), unless clearly erroneous, and so will focus on the court's application of the law to those facts (such as whether the act found by the court to have occurred fits a legal definition at issue).
If the appellate court finds no defect, it "affirms" the judgment. If the appellate court does find a legal defect in the decision, it may "modify" the ruling to correct the defect, or it may nullify "reverse" or "vacate" the whole decision or any part of it. It may in addition send the case back "remand" or "remit" to the lower court for further proceedings to remedy the defect.
In some cases an appellate court may review a lower court decision de novo (or completely), challenging even the lower court's findings of fact. This might be the proper standard of review[15].
Another situation is where appeal is by way of re-hearing. Certain jurisdictions permit certain appeals to cause the trial to be heard afresh in the appellate court. An example would be an appeal from a Magistrates' court to the Crown Court in England and Wales.
Sometimes the appellate court finds a defect in the procedure the parties used in filing the appeal and dismisses the appeal without considering its merits, which has the same effect as affirming the judgment below. (This would happen, for example, if the appellant waited too long, under the appellate court's rules, to file the appeal.) In England and many other jurisdictions, however, the phrase appeal dismissed is equivalent to the U.S. term affirmed; and the phrase appeal allowed is equivalent to the U.S. term reversed.
Generally there is no trial in an appellate court, only consideration of the record of the evidence presented to the trial court and all the pre-trial and trial court proceedings are reviewed - unless the appeal is by way of re-hearing, new evidence will usually only be considered on appeal in very rare instances, for example if that material evidence was unavailable to a party for some very significant reason such as prosecutorial misconduct.
In some systems an appellate court will only consider the written decision of the lower court, together with any written evidence that was before that court and is relevant to the appeal. In other systems, the appellate court will normally consider the record of the lower court. In those cases the record will first be certified by the lower court[16].
The appellant has the opportunity to present arguments for the granting of the appeal and the appellee (or respondent) can present arguments against it. Arguments of the parties to the appeal are presented through their appellate lawyers, if represented, or pro se if the party has not engaged legal representation. Those arguments are presented in written briefs and sometimes in oral argument to the court at a hearing. At such hearings each party is allowed a brief presentation at which the appellate judges ask questions based on their review of the record below and the submitted briefs.
It is important to note that in an adversarial system appellate courts do not have the power to review lower court decisions unless a party appeals it. Therefore if a lower court has ruled in an improper manner or against legal precedent that judgment will stand even if it might have been overturned on appeal.
























[1] About this system see Anne Fitzpatrick, The Judicial System, The Creative Company.1998.
,
[2] See Felix Frankfurter, James, The Business of the Supreme Court: A Study in the Federal Judicial System, Transaction Publishers,2000.
,
[3] See Code Napoleon: Or the French Civil Code ,by Barrister of the Inner Temple (Author), Beard Books , 1999.
[4] For example, while common law judicial procedure generally contemplates a single evidentiary trial, many cases are actually resolved through testimony taken from witnesses in isolated depositions prior to trial that support written presentations to a judge. Similarly, while civil law judges must have some statutory point of departure for their legal rulings, there are accepted methods of legal reasoning that often afford them greater latitude to fit the law to the circumstances of an unusual case then a stark statement of the underlying principles of the system would suggest. This can serve a purpose similar to the common law method of legal reasoning known as stare decisis.

[5] See By Cass R. Sunstein, Are Judges Political?: An Empirical Analysis of the Federal Judiciary, Brookings Institution Press.2003.pp43-44.

,
[6] Oliver Wendell Holmes,The Common Law, Kessinger Publishing, 2005.p21.

[7] For example, in Finland and Sweden, there are two kinds of judges in district courts: a legally-trained judge functions as the president of the court, while judges elected for a four-year term from the population, without any special legal training, serve as lay members of the court. Judges in special courts and appellate courts are always legally trained. Lay judges do not function like a common-law jury. In the usual case, three lay judges in district courts hear criminal cases in cooperation with a legally trained judge, each judge – legally trained or not – having an individual vote. However, in some jurisdictions, such as Denmark, criminal cases in severe matters, such as homicide, require a trial by jury, where the jury decides upon the issue of mens rea. Issues of law – and also the assessment of what has factually been proven to have taken place – is the responsility of the judge, who guides the jury by means of a jury instruction. Civil cases, however, are heard exclusively by legally trained judges.
[8] See Robert A. Katzmann, Judges and Legislators: Toward Institutional Comity, Brookings Institution Press.2004.ch3.
,
[9] Carlo Guarnieri (Author), Patrizia Pederzoli (Author), C. A. Thomas (Editor),The Power of Judges: A Comparative Study of Courts and Democracy, Oxford University Press, 2002.ch1.
[10] For example, in a case of "first impression" which has never arisen in a publicly reported case in a state, a judge must choose which rule will apply, usually informed by decisions which have been made in similar cases in other jurisdictions and based on the public policies involved. Judges in civil law systems, in contrast, are strictly forbidden from "making law" and, as a general rule, are not bound by or even encouraged to refer to precedents established in prior similar cases.
[11] Patricia J. Murphy,The U.S. Supreme Court, Compass Point Books,2005.

[12] See Lester B. Orfield, Criminal Procedure From Arrest To Appeal, Imprint unknown – 1972.
,
[13] For example, in Doyle v Olby (Ironmongers) Ltd ,1969, 2 QB 158.
[14] Likewise, in some jurisdictions, the state or prosecution may appeal an issue of law by leave from the trial court and/or the appellate court.
[15] For example, if the lower court resolved the case by granting a pre-trial motion to dismiss or motion for summary judgment which is usually based only upon written submissions to the trial court and not on any trial testimony.
[16] See Herbert Monte Levy, How to Handle an Appeal, Practising Law Institute,2001.ch2.

Executive Authority


Chapter Thirteen
Executive Authority
Dr Khalil Hussein
Professor at Lebanese University
Director of studies at Lebanese Parliament

In political science and constitutional law, the executive is the branch of government responsible for the day-to-day management of the state. In many countries, it is referred to simply as the "government", but this usage can be confusing in an international context. Under the doctrine of the separation of powers, the executive is not supposed to make laws (role of the legislature), nor to interpret them (role of the judiciary): in practice, this separation is rarely absolute. The executive is identified by the Head of Government. In a presidential system, this person (the President) may also be the Head of State, whereas in a parliamentary system he or she is usually the leader of the largest party in the legislature as is most commonly termed the Prime Minister (Taoiseach in the Republic of Ireland, (Federal) Chancellor in Germany and Austria). In France, executive power is shared between the President and the Prime Minister and this system has been reproduced in a number of former French colonies, while Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina likewise have collegiate systems for the role of Head of State and Government. The Head of Government is assisted by a number of ministers, who usually have responsibilities for particular areas (e.g. health, education, foreign affairs), and by a large number of government employees or civil servants[1].
Head of government
The head of government is the chief officer of the executive branch of a government[2].
In parliamentary systems, the head of government is generally the Prime Minister, who usually heads a cabinet which most rely on the direct or indirect support of parliament. In essence, the Prime Minister is the leader of the largest elected party in a parliament. In Westminster Systems, like the United Kingdom, Canada or Australia, executive authority is nominally and theoretically vested in the Sovereign. However the Sovereign does not actively exercise executive powers, since this is performed by a Prime Minister and a Cabinet on her behalf.
Other countries have presidential systems, such in the United States of America. In Article II, Section 1, of the United States Constitution it is stated that, "The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States of America." This makes the president the head of the executive branch of the federal government. To become president, a person must be at least thirty-five years old, a natural born American citizen, and a resident of the United States for at least fourteen years.
Semi-presidential systems may exist in some countries, and often have both a President and a Prime Minister. Such systems can be seen in countries such as France. However, the balance of power between the two heads of government may vary, and it is dependent on the country in question. Sri Lanka has witnessed a bitter power struggle between its President and Prime Minister, particularly due to a difference in political parties.
Role of the executive
The exact role of the executive depends on the constitution of the country. Not all of the following functions need be exercised by the central executive, particularly in federal countries: they may instead be exercised by local government[3] .
A good analogy is the owner - architect - contractor relationship. The Legislative branch acts as the architect to draw up the plans and specifications according to the wishes of the people who elected them, (The owners) and exercises oversight to make sure the Executive Branch acts by its authority with its advice and consent. The Executive branch executes the instructions given it by the Legislature, but has no power to act on its own without instructions, because that would put it in the position of acting legislatively.
The Laws issued by the Legislature must be complied with exactly. It is the Presidents job to Preserve, protect and defend them while executing them faithfully and it's the Judiciary's job to act as competent administrators to see that all parties are in compliance with the Constitution.
The main function of the Executive Branch is to do what it is instructed to do by Legislation produced by the Legislative Branch: the Executive Branch collects taxes and customs duties as instructed by the Legislative Branch and uses the money appropriated by the Legislative Branch to pay the salaries of government employees and for other government expenditure. As instructed by the Legislative Branch, it assures the internal and external security of the state by maintaining a police force and armed forces when instructed to do so by the Legislative Branch according to its rules[4].
The Executive Branch acting by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative Branch is also responsible for executing the regulating legislation drafted by the Legislative Branch to guide the many sectors of the economy, notably
· the Military
· the labor force (e.g. by enforcing labor laws)
· agriculture
· transportation
· energy provision
· housing and construction (e.g. by issuing building permits)
· commerce in general (e.g. by enforcing minimum standards, and notably by issuing a currency)
The Executive Branch may provide health and education services: regulating these areas as instructed by the Legislative Branch and operate nationalized industries, and promote research and culture.
Foreign relations
Even by fairly large countries such as France, Germany or the United Kingdom. No country has diplomatic missions in every sovereign state, and small countries. An important symbolic role of the executive is to represent the country abroad. Under international law, this responsibility falls on the Head of State and the Head of Government, who usually delegates some of the day-to-day responsibilities to a foreign minister. Holders of these posts have automatic diplomatic immunity abroad while they are in office, that is to say that they can only be tried before the courts of their home country (or, exceptionally, before an international court).
In practice, this function of the executive is often delegated in part to the executive of another country, such as Andorra or San Marino have only one or two embassies. Despite their symbolic importance, foreign relations occupy only a small portion of the human and financial resources of the executive: the budget of the United States Department of State in 2004 was only 0.7% of the total budget of the United States federal government.
Relation to the legislature
While the legislature is responsible for approving the laws of a state, it does not usually, on its own, have the capacity to enforce them, notably in terms of employees and other infrastructure. The necessity to enforce a law if it is to be effective imposes a degree of cooperation between the legislature and the executive: the legislature may vote "free beer for all", but the executive would be in its role to ask "who pays the brewer?" In many countries the executive has the power to veto some or all types of legislation, or at least to delay their approval by insisting on a longer debate of the consequences[5].
Under the Westminster system, the Prime Minister and other ministers are members of the legislature, and in other parliamentary systems the executive is usually headed by the party or parties which control a majority in the legislature. This gives the executive some control over the legislation which is passed, but this control is rarely absolute in a democracy. In presidential systems, the executive and the legislature may be controlled by different political parties, a situation known as cohabitation: both sides must arrive at a compromise to allow the government to continue to function, although complete blockage is rare.
In general, the legislature has a supervisory role over the actions of the executive, and may replace the Head of Government and/or individual ministers by a vote of (no) confidence or a procedure of impeachment. On the other hand, a legislature which refuses to cooperate with the executive, for example by refusing to vote a budget or otherwise starving the executive of funds, may be dissolved by the Head of State, leading to new elections.
The legislature usually delegates some legislative power to the executive, notably to issue regulations or executive orders which complete a piece of legislation with technical details or points which might change frequently (e.g. fees for government services). The executive may also have powers to issue legislation during a state of emergency.
Relation to the judiciary
The Executive Branch acts by and with the advice and consent of the Legislation made by the Legislature and thus is subject to the Legislative Branch. (except in a dictatorship). The judiciary acts as a competent administrator to ensure compliance with the laws crafted by the Legislative Branch.
The laws which apply specifically to the executive are known as administrative law, although this should not be taken to imply that the executive is exempt from other laws such as human rights or the rules of war. The Executive Branch may be challenged in court for failure to comply with the decisions of the Legislative Branch. The idea of judicial review: is that the competent administrators in the judiciary have the responsibility to review compliance with Legislation wherever there is a party claiming injury. The Legislature Branch has the responsibility to supervise the execution of its laws and the compliance of the judiciary and the Executive branch with them.
The Legislature makes decisions and the Judiciary and the Executive Branch enforce its decisions with the help of the forces funded by the Legislature to enforce its laws (e.g. police force, prison service). The Legislative Branch is responsible for providing funding for courthouses, establishing and paying the salaries of judges: The Executive Branch is responsible for getting them built and staffed as instructed. The competent administration of the judicial system is the responsibility of the justice minister, also referred to as the attorney general.
The Legislative Branch makes laws and the Executive branch executes them as instructed. In the Department of Justice the Attorney General oversees the staff responsible for taking legal action in the public interest, for example enforcing Civil Rights, Public Safety, policing corporations, prosecuting them as any other criminal and protecting the interests of those who cannot defend themselves (e.g. children or the mentally handicapped). The authority to perform these functions is delegated by the legislature to be both the executive Branch and the judiciary as required. The executive is responsible for the day-to-day management after the Legislature decides to provid the necessary infrastructure and pay the necessary salaries.
Most countries have safeguards to protect the independence of the judiciary from the executive, such as the impossibility of the executive to dismiss a judge. Similar safeguards may apply to other categories of government employees, in order to allow them to conduct their functions without undue political pressure. In return, judges and government employees may be expected not to take part in active politics themselves. In the United States the Congress has all the power and the sole responsibility of removal by means of impeachment.
Local government
Individual states or provinces in a federal system have their own executives, legislatures and judiciaries in addition to the corresponding bodies at federal level. Even in non-federal systems, all but the smallest of countries have some form of local government, although legislative and (especially) judicial powers are often very limited. The distribution of executive powers between central and local government varies widely between different countries: for example, policing and education are local responsibilities in the United Kingdom but central responsibilities in France. An extreme example is Switzerland, where nationality, a central government responsibility in almost all other countries, is a matter for individual municipalities (albeit with federal minimum standards).
Local government may be funded through local taxes (often property taxes), through a grant from the central government or through a combination of the two. The head of the local executive of a municipality is usually known as the mayor; various terms exist for the head of the executive at other levels of local government. The local executive is usually supervised by an elected council, which is responsible for setting the rates of local taxes (where these exist, and often only to a limited extent) and for approving the budget of the local executive. The central government may also have a supervisory role, which may go as far as the power to dissolve the local government completely in exceptional cases[6].
As mentioned above, it is essential to consider the different roles of local (or State) government when comparing the roles of the executives in different countries: the provision of public education is an executive function whether it is provided by the central government (France), state governments (Germany), local education authorities (England and Wales) or school boards (United States).
Head of state
Head of state or Chief of state is the generic term for the individual or collective office that serves as the chief public representative of a monarchic or republican nation-state, federation, commonwealth or any other political state. His or her role generally includes personifying the continuity and legitimacy of the state and exercising the political powers, functions and duties granted the head of state in the country's constitution[7].
Constitutional models
Different countries have different executive systems but in essence four major, generalizing categories can be distinguished:
· the non-executive Head of State system in which the head of state does not hold any executive power and mainly plays a symbolic role on behalf of the state.
· the parliamentary system in which the head of state possesses theoretical executive power but the exercise of this power is delegated to a head of government.
· the presidential (or imperial) system in which the head of state is also the head of government and actively exercises executive power and,
· the semi-presidential system in which the head of state shares exercise of executive power with a head of government.
Non-executive heads of state
One form that the head of state role takes can be loosely called the non-executive head of state model. Its holders are excluded completely from the executive: they do not possess even theoretical executive powers or any role, even formal, within the government. Hence their states' governments are not referred to by the traditional parliamentary model head of state styles of His/Her Majesty's Government or His/Her Excellency's Government. Within this general category, variants in terms of powers and functions may exist. The king of Sweden, since the passage of the modern Swedish constitution (the Instrument of Government) in the mid 1970s, no longer has any of the parliamentary system head of state functions that had previously belonged to Swedish kings but still receives formal cabinet briefings monthly in the Royal Palace. In contrast, the only contact the Irish president has with the Irish government is through a formal briefing session given by the Taoiseach (prime minister) to the President. However, he or she has no access to documentation and all access to ministers goes through the Department of An Taoiseach (prime minister's office)[8].
Parliamentary system
In parliamentary systems the head of state may be merely the nominal chief executive officer of the state, possessing theoretical executive power[9] (hence the description of the United Kingdom monarch's government as His/Her Majesty's Government, a term indicating that the government acts on H.M.'s behalf and not parliament's). In reality however, due to a process of constitutional evolution, powers are usually exercised by a cabinet, presided over by a prime minister or President of the Government who is answerable to the legislature (e.g. parliament). This answerability requires that someone be chosen from parliament who has parliament's support (or at least not parliament's opposition - a subtle but important difference). It also gives parliament the right to vote down the government, forcing it either to resign or seek a parliamentary dissolution. Governments are thus said to be responsible (or answerable) to parliament, with the government in turn accepting constitutional responsibility for offering constitutional Advice to the head of state.
In parliamentary monarchies considering themselves democratic, the legitimacy of the unelected head of state typically derives from the tacit approval of the people via the elected representatives. Accordingly, at the time of the Glorious Revolution, the English Parliament acted of its own authority to name a new King and Queen (joint monarchs Mary II and William III); likewise, Edward VIII's abdication required the passage of a law in the parliament of each of the Commonwealth Realms. In monarchies with a written constitution, the position of monarch is a creature of the Constitution and could quite properly be abolished through a democratic procedure of constitutional amendment, although there are often significant procedural hurdles imposed on such a procedure (as in the Constitution of Spain).
In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a head of state within a parliamentary system. The older the constitution, the more constitutional leeway tends to exist for a head of state to exercise greater powers over government, as many older parliamentary system constitutions in fact give heads of state powers and functions akin to presidential or semi-presidential systems, in some cases without containing reference to modern democratic principles of accountability to parliament or even to modern governmental offices. For example, the 1848 constitution of the Kingdom of Italy was sufficiently ambiguous and outdated by the 1920s to give King Victor Emmanuel III leeway to appoint Benito Mussolini to power in controversial circumstances.
Some Commonwealth parliamentary systems combine a body of written constitutional law, unwritten constitutional precedent, Orders-in-Council, letters patent, etc. that may give a Head of State or their representative additional powers in unexpected circumstances (such as the dismissal of Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam by Governor-General Sir John Kerr.)
Other examples of heads of state in parliamentary systems using greater powers than usual, due either to ambiguous constitutions or unprecedented national emergencies, include the decision by King Léopold III of the Belgians to surrender on behalf of his state to the invading German army in 1940, against the will of his government. Judging that his responsibility to the nation by virtue of his coronation oath required him to act, he believed that his government's decision to fight rather than surrender was mistaken and would damage Belgium. (Leopold's decision proved highly controversial. After World War II, Belgium voted on whether to allow him back on the throne. It did so, but because of the ongoing controversy he ultimately abdicated.)
Presidential system[10]
Some constitutions or fundamental laws provide for a head of state who is not just in theory but in practice chief executive, operating separately from, and independent from, the legislature. This system is sometimes known as a presidential system because the government is answerable solely and exclusively to a presiding, acting head of state, and is selected by and on occasion dismissed by the head of state without reference to the legislature. It is notable that some presidential systems, while not providing for collective executive answerability to the legislature, may require legislative approval for individuals prior to their assumption of cabinet office and empower the legislature to remove a president from office (for example, in the United States of America). In this case the debate centres on the suitability of the individual for office, not a judgement on them when appointed, and does not involve the power to reject or approve proposed cabinet members en bloc, so it is not answerability in the sense understood in a parliamentary system.
Some presidential systems may also include a prime minister but as with the other ministers they are responsible to the President, not the legislature. In many such instances the office is of minimal political importance, sometimes even held by some administrative technocrat rather than a politician. A prime minister in a presidential system lacks the constitutional and political dominance of a prime minister in a parliamentary system and is often seen as simply a politically junior figure who may run the mechanics of government while allowing the president to set the broad national agenda. One could say that, whereas in parliamentary systems a prime minister may be master of his or her party and the government, prime ministers in presidential systems are usually the servants, with the Head of State the master of the government who can employ or terminate anyone, including the prime minister, at will.
Presidential systems are a notable feature of constitutions in the Americas, including those of the United States, Brazil, and Mexico. Most presidents in such countries are selected by democratic means (popular direct or indirect election); however, like all other systems, the presidential model also encompasses people who become head of state by other means, notably through military dictatorship or coup d'état, as seen in South American, Middle Eastern, and other presidential regimes. Some of the characteristics of a presidential system (i.e., a strong dominant political figure with an executive answerable to them, not the legislature) can also be found among absolute monarchies, parliamentary monarchies, and Communist regimes, but in most cases of dictatorship apply their stated Constitutional models in name only and not in political theory or practise[11].
In the 1870s in the United States, in the aftermath of the impeachment of President Andrew Johnson and his near-removal from office it was speculated that the United States, too, would move from a presidential system to a semi-presidential or even parliamentary one, with the Speaker of the House of Representatives becoming the real center of government as a quasi-prime minister. This did not happen and the presidency, having been damaged by three late nineteenth century assassinations (Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley) and one impeachment (Johnson), reasserted its political dominance by the early twentieth century through such figures as Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.
Semi-presidential systems
Semi-presidential systems combine features of presidential and parliamentary systems, notably a requirement that the government be answerable to both the President and the legislature[12]. The constitution of the Fifth French Republic provides for a prime minister who is chosen by the president but who nevertheless must be able to gain support in the National Assembly. Should a president be of one side of the political spectrum and the opposition be in control of the legislature, the president is usually obliged to select someone from the opposition to become prime minister, a process known as Cohabitation. President François Mitterrand, a Socialist, for example was forced to cohabit with the neo-Gaullist (right wing) Jacques Chirac, who became his prime minister from 1986 -1988.
In the French system, in the event of cohabitation, the president is often allowed to set the policy agenda in foreign affairs and the prime minister runs the domestic agenda.
Other countries evolve into something akin to a semi-presidential system or indeed a full presidential system. Weimar Germany, for example, in its constitution provided for a popularly elected president with theoretically dominant executive powers that were intended to be exercised only in emergencies and a cabinet appointed by him from the Reichstag which was expected in normal circumstances to be answerable to the Reichstag. Initially, the President was merely a symbolic figure with the Reichstag dominant.
However, persistent political instability, in which governments often lasted only a few months, led to a change in the power structure of the Republic, with the president's emergency powers called increasingly into use to prop up governments challenged by critical or even hostile Reichstag votes. By 1932, power had shifted to such an extent that the German President, Paul von Hindenburg, was able to dismiss a chancellor and select his own person for the job even though the outgoing chancellor possessed the confidence of the Reichstag while the new chancellor did not. Subsequently President von Hindenburg used his power to appoint Adolf Hitler as Reich chancellor without consulting the Reichstag.
Single-party states
Since real political power belongs to the head of the sole legal party (often a communist party), in certain states under constitutions inspired by the former Soviet republics there was no formal office of head of state, but rather the head of the legislative 'soviet' branch of power was officially considered the head of state. In the Soviet Union this office had names Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR and Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council as well as Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the All-Russian Congress of Soviets in case of Soviet Russia (until 1922)[13].
This may even lead to an institutional variability, as in North Korea where after the presidency of party leader Kim Il Sung the office was vacant for years, the late president being granted the posthumous title (akin some ancient far eastern traditions to give posthumous names and titles to royalty) of president 'in eternity' (while all real power, as party leader, itself not formally for 4 years, was inherited by his son Kim Jong Il, initially without any formal office) until it was formally replaced on 5 September 1998 for ceremonial purposes by the office of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly, while the party leader's post as Chairman of the National Defense Commission was simultaneously declared "the highest post of the state", not unlike Deng Xiaoping earlier in the People's Republic of China.
Complications with categorisation
While clear categories do exist, it is sometimes difficult to choose which category some individual heads of state belong to. Constitutional change in Liechtenstein in 2003 gave its head of state, the prince, unprecedented constitutional powers including a veto over legislation and power in theory to dismiss the cabinet. It could be argued that the strengthening of the prince's powers vis-a-vis the legislature has moved Liechtenstein into the semi-presidential category. Similarly the original powers given to the Greek president under the 1974 Hellenic Republic constitution moved Greece closer to the French semi-presidential model. And the theoretical power of the British monarch to dismiss his or her government at will would suggest that the United Kingdom should nominally belong to the semi-presidential category also. In reality, the category to which each head of state belongs is assessed not by theory but by practice. In practice no British monarch has forced a government from office since the early nineteenth century, while in reality the Greek Republic, even before the powers of the President of the Republic were curtailed in 1986, operated as a standard parliamentary system. Unless and until a Prince of Liechtenstein exercises the theoretical powers they now possess, the principality would still remain categorised as a parliamentary system.
Another complication exists with South Africa, in which the President is in fact elected by the legislature (like a Prime Minister) but also holds the title of President, serves for a fixed term, and is expected to be the nation's head of state. Nauru and Botswana are similar, both of which presidents, who are heads of state, are elected by the legislature.


[1] See Terence Daintith,The Executive in the Constitution: : Structure, Autonomy, and Internal Control,oxford university press,2002,p13.
[2]Douglas V, The Analysis Of Political Systems, Thomson Learning , 1959,ch 3&4.
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[3] See Regulatory takings implementation of Executive Order on government actions, Published by DIANE Publishing,2005.pp7-8.

[4] Chester I. Barnard ,The Functions of the Executive, Harvard University Press,2005.ch 5.

[5] See Robert Luce, Legislative Problems, The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.1974,pp213-215.
[6]Fore more details see, Mackenzie Dalzell Chalmers, Local Government, Adamant Media Corporation,1998.

[7]Richard Hoyt, Head of State, Tor Books , 1986,p12.

[8] Examples of this category, invariably dating from the twentieth century, include:the President of Ireland. the King of Sweden (since 1975). the President of Germany. the Emperor of Japan (since 1947).

[9]Larry Johnston,For more details see , Politics: An Introduction to the Modern Democratic State,2ed , Broadview Press,1997.

[10] presidential in this context does not automatically imply a president but any head of state – elected, hereditary, or dictatorial - who presides. It is sometimes called the imperial model, without regard for the monarchic title emperor, rather referring to the luster.

[11] For more details see ,Douglas V. Verney ,The Analysis Of Political Systems. Routledge,2001.pp44-45.

[12]Robert Elgie ,Divided Government in Comparative Perspective, Oxford University Press,2004.

[13]Giovanni Sartori ,Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, ECPR Press,1999,pp38-39.